how does china use the instruments of national power
Strategic Asia Program Strategic Asia Kenneth B. and Anne H.H. The financial IOP tends to be more agile in nature as it can specifically target countries, organizations, companies, and individuals utilizing banking systems to project power.
As Chinas economy and its economic statecraft become more sophisticated, Beijing is sharpening and expanding its coercive economic toolkit. The cases point to Beijings sophistication in its use of coercion. China, too, I would argue uses hard instruments of power, particularly economic power, for soft power purposes.
Around three-quarters or more take this position in India (74%), Australia (85%) and the Philippines (89%). When it comes to the current state of economic relations with China, publics are much more likely to describe them as good (median of 66%) than bad (21%).
The key aspect of the financial instrument is the denial of access to financial systems, mainly through the Treasury Department, providing precision effects and denying adversaries access to financial systems. Likewise, those with favorable views of China are more likely to choose strong economic ties with China in most countries. Still, substantial minorities in Lebanon and Israel volunteer that strong ties with both are more important, and about two-thirds in Tunisia say the same. ), as well as intelligence disciplines.18 The products are typically intelligence estimates and assessments that are often broken down into categories and could be in the form of written documents or verbal presentations, hardcopy publications, or electronic media.19 Organizations can be broken down into Department of Defense (DOD) agencies, other national agencies, foreign agencies, host-nation or local sources, and corporations.
In times of uncertainty, good decisions demand good data. The U.S. military focuses primarily on the kinetic employment of the military, prioritizing the big M to demonstrate power, destroy the enemy, and celebrate victory. For the State and Defense Departments, integrating all four elements of national power to achieve optimal negotiation outcomes is a highly complex and increasingly important requirement to achieve US strategic objectives given the disappearance of unconditional surrender and its nearly unlimited diplomatic yield to victorious states. Edoardo Saravalle is a former Researcher for the Energy, Economics, and Security Program at the Center for a New American Security (CNAS). xko8{}"JD ,CGu~"mInu$r8CMbm6zbg6rf~?~~l>fMYGoN7'g,R 2")#Q" *d=I%GdCSJzhze12EY#uEg N`e0J2Orxy|2"?T8\&LRc| 
. China wants to be the dominant economic and military power of the world, spreading its authoritarian vision for society and its corrupt practices worldwide. Both Chinas tools and the situations in which China is willing to use them are broadening as the countrys confidence increases. Having a solid understanding of the key mission partners and their strengths across the DIME-FIL will enable commanders and planners to develop more creative plans that share the mission, tasks, and successes through a whole-of-government, international, and interorganizational approach. The instrument choices are impactful since resources are not unlimited and since each instrument consumes a varying amount of This is probably most evident in the developing world, particularly Africa. For the State and Defense Departments, integrating all four elements of national power to achieve optimal negotiation outcomes is a highly complex and increasingly important requirement to achieve US strategic objectives given the disappearance of unconditional surrender and its nearly unlimited diplomatic yield to victorious states. For the four Middle East and North African countries surveyed, opinions are mixed. The intelligence instrument delivers decision advantage through activities, products, and organizations, mainly through national and international intelligence agencies, enabling value-added data for the rest of the IOPs. A more polished understanding of the new FIL IOPs is required to achieve unity of effort. But in South Korea and Japan, upwards of nine-in-ten say both superpowers have a great deal of influence. In the past decade, China has expanded its set of such economic instruments to include sticks, not just carrots. 2 (2017), 8. See National Strategy for Combatting Terrorism, 15. Strategy: Directing the Instruments of National Power By Steven Aftergood April 30, 2018 The tools that can be used to assert national power and influence have often been summarized by the acronym DIME Diplomatic, Informational, Military, and Economic. WebNATOs deterrence and defence posture is based on, among other factors, an effective combination of cutting-edge weapons systems and platforms, and forces trained to work together seamlessly. Sources of national power are different for, each country and can change. Since 9/11, the reorganization of U.S. intelligence agencies has proved vital in disrupting terrorist and criminal organizations. endobj
Global integration is defined by Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Instruction 3100.01D and the Summary of the 2018 National Defense Strategy of the United States of America as the arrangement of cohesive joint force actions in time, space, and purpose, executed as a whole to address transregional, multifunctional challenges across all domains through the seamless integration of multiple elements of national powerdiplomacy, information, economics, finance, intelligence, law enforcement and military.6 The concept addresses the importance of a unified effort across all elements of national power and could provide a framework to incorporate global integration for the commander and planners to truly leverage all government agencies strengths, achieve military objectives, and ultimately protect national interests. This is probably most evident in the developing world, particularly Africa. Washington, DC 20319-5066. 
The current doctrinal approach stymies the understanding of new IOPs, leaving commanders with plans that result in a limited conceptualization, a lack of creativity, and an echo chamber of DIME-centric operational approaches.
<>>> 2023 Center for a New American Security (en-US). The preliminary definitions addressed for the finance, intelligence, and law enforcement instruments provide a solid starting point to incorporate and update joint doctrine related to strategy, concepts, and planning. Despite how long the DIME has been used for describing the instruments of national power, U.S. policymakers and strategists have long understood that there are many more instruments involved in national security policy development and implementation.
In France, the share that views China as the top economic power has increased by 7 percentage points since 2018, flipping the top choice from the U.S. to China.
This is most extreme in South Korea, where there is a 70 percentage point difference between those who cite American economic supremacy (82%) and Chinese dominance (12%). The first mention of FIL pertaining to the National Security Strategy was in 2003, in a document that called for defeating terrorism through the direct and indirect use of DIME-FIL IOPs.3 Subsequently, similar language appeared in the 2006 National Military Strategic Plan for the war on terror and focused on cooperation among U.S. agencies, coalitions, and partners to integrate all instruments of U.S. and partner national power . Opinions in the Latin American countries surveyed are similar, though less effusive; fewer than two-thirds in all three countries say their economic ties with the U.S. are positive, and substantial minorities say the ties are bad. In this sense, power and policy are intertwined. Alex Zerden.
A clear definition can assist in the understanding, application, and synchronization of the IOPs for unity of effort in a competitive environment. And opinion is mixed in the three Latin American countries surveyed, with Brazilians largely describing the American role favorably (44%) and Argentines and Mexicans saying the opposite (55% and 46% negative, respectively). Currently, doctrine and planning emphasize the DIME model.2 The scant literature on IOPs mentions the addition of FIL, but the focus has been its application to combating terrorism. Identify the Mission Partners Involved with Each Instrument and Incorporate Them Early and Often in Planning. In Lebanon, about twice as many say China is having a good influence (50%) than say the same of the U.S. (26%). (a0Z`%. But in South Korea and Japan, upwards of nine-in-ten say both superpowers have a great deal of influence. While the U.S. military tends to view the instruments of power (IOPs) strictly through the lens of the diplomatic, informational, military, and economic (DIME) framework, it is increasingly imperative to consider additional IOPs such as finance, intelligence, and law enforcement (FIL). But, in much of the Asia-Pacific region, people are more likely to evaluate the U.S. economic influence positively than the Chinese, or at least to see them comparably. Power sets the parameters on each action or set of actions between political entities. As such, investing in the right capabilities is Finally, the report sheds light on the Chinese policy interests that trigger Beijings use of economic coercion. For example, Russia conceptualizes political warfare using nonmilitary and above-military categories (political, network, economic, financial, intelligence, legal, cultural, propaganda, drug, and so forth), which are similar to the DIME-FIL IOPs while continuing to emphasize the military instrument.1 As peer competitors develop such fluid and threshold-based gray zone concepts, the United States must adapt in order to compete in a changing threat environment. 
This pattern is reversed in the Middle East and North Africa, where all publics but Israel rate their economic relationships with China more positively.
Those in Israel and Lebanon are much more likely to see the Chinese impact on economic conditions in their country as positive.
Conversely, those in Latin America are more likely to see influence from the U.S. And, in the Middle East and North Africa, those in Israel and Turkey are more likely to identify influence from the U.S., with a difference of about 20 points or more. As a result, it is perhaps time to transition from a DIME to DIME-FIL concept. 626 0 obj <>stream U.S. peer competitors, namely Russia and China, have already developed alternative concepts to leverage IOPs to compete below the threshold of conflict. Since its proposed regime for the South China Sea is qualitatively so profoundly unappealing, China seeks to win votes through the coercive use of the negative instruments of its national power. This chapter examines the foundations of Chinas national power: its national resources, national performance, and military capabilities. V endstream endobj 628 0 obj <>stream Those who feel similarly toward the U.S. are also more likely to see U.S. economic influence as good. WebComprehensive National Power (CNP): Assessing Chinas Power The rise of China on the world stage, particularly after the application of the Open Door policy and economic reforms, led Chinese leaders to focus on its own power assessment to understand the power gap between China and other leading major Since its proposed regime for the South China Sea is qualitatively so profoundly unappealing, China seeks to win votes through the coercive use of the negative instruments of its national power. A disruption of funding for a target entity can be achieved through compelling private banking institutions to deny currency loans or credit; blacklisting individuals, corporations, or states; utilizing financial sanctions; or freezing assets.12 Disruptions are made possible because of U.S. worldwide dominance in the financial sector. As the prospect of material gain now looks less promising, nationalism and repression are the most likely instruments of choice for the party to maintain its monopoly on power.
This is probably most evident in the developing world, particularly Africa.
Only in Europe do more countries name China as the worlds leading economy. Rachel Ziemba. View All Articles & Multimedia. Favorable views of Chinese investment and Chinas growing military power are also tied to a preference for ties with China. Update Joint Doctrine with DIME-FIL. 107-56, 107th Cong., October 26, 2001, available at
WebWithout power, a nation has no means to implement its plan to achieve its objectives. Yet, far more commonly, when Beijing unilaterally uses its own coercive economic measures it does so to bolster its territorial claims and national sovereignty or to advance other core interests. In Israel, six-in-ten hold this view, and about half say the same in Turkey and Tunisia (49% and 47%, respectively). Most also say current economic relations with the United States are going well; a median of 64% say relations are in good shape, compared with 23% who say the opposite. China learns from previous experiences, adopting tactics that work and abandoning those that do not. WebPower is not simply what resources a country has at its disposal. When directly comparing the perceived positive influence from the U.S. and China, outside of the Asia-Pacific region, Chinese economic influence is largely seen in more positive terms than American influence. On balance, more prefer for their country to have closer relations with the U.S. (a median of 46%) than China (32%).
Unlike other IOPs, the legal IOP is complex, incredibly diverse, and rapidly changing over short periods of time. )Ufo~K&yJxh:Ox#zzY/u
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8xt+fjfk8l\[Eu X *, 2:Q>2nTX3zql[ The U.S. Government has 17 national agencies with different mission sets utilized for intelligence-sharing and cooperation. 
All of the cases studied where China acted alone involve China using economic coercion against democratic countries, and Beijing generally targets politically influential constituencies capable of pushing for policy change, regardless of whether or not the targeted constituency has any involvement in the policy to which China objects. A median of 41% across the 14 EU member nations surveyed name China, compared with a median of 39% who say the same about the United States.
Emily Kilcrease. China wants to be the dominant economic and military power of the world, spreading its authoritarian vision for society and its corrupt practices worldwide. Tunisians also see Chinese influence as more positive than negative, but by a smaller margin. 14 Ankit Panda, Trump Administration Introduces New Executive Order on North Korea Sanctions, The Diplomat, September 22, 2017, available at
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WebThe military instrument of national power can be used in a wide variety of ways that vary in purpose, scale, risk, and combat intensity. In Nigeria and South Africa, the tendency to name the U.S. is a departure from last year, when more in both countries named China as the worlds top economic power.
2 Joint Doctrine Note 1-18, Strategy (Washington, DC: The Joint Staff, 2018), available at
Only in Australia and Indonesia do more say Chinas influence is good than say the same about the U.S. WebNational Power (CNP) approach, it will show that China is deliberately increasing power across of broad spectrum of instruments in an attempt to challenge the US. Laying out the instruments of national power and distinguishing between hard and soft approaches is essential to evaluating a grand strategy and proposing the use of instruments to countervail a competing state. The U.S. and China are tied in Lebanon, with a third naming each as the top economy.